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Religion, society and ethnicity in Crete at the end of the Late Bronze Age. A contextual framework for LM IIIC cult activities

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Religion, society and ethnicity in Crete at the end of the Late Bronze Age. A contextual framework for LM IIIC cult activities
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  RELIGION, SOCIETY AND ETHNICITY ON CRETE AT THE END OF THE LATE BRONZE AGE.THE CONTEXTUAL FRAMEWORK OF LM IIIC CULT ACTIVITIES * 1. Introduction The signicant methodological shift undergone by the study of Aegean religion over thelast few decades has cogently shown that cult evidence cannot be considered in isolation, andat the same time that it can also help reconstruct of social, political and even ethnic patterns. 1  It follows that a model constructed on the idea of cult institutions reecting different levels of socio-political integration on scales of increasing complexity may prove useful. 2 This approach– which requires the recognition of specic assemblages among the artefacts associated withcult activity – facilitates understanding of variations in the material evidence for cult and alsoaffords the opportunity to distinguish oppositions, of any nature, in the pattern of distributionof the material culture. The many difculties inherent in any enquiry which also takes ethnicityinto consideration need no further stressing. However, we should bear in mind that it is inconditions of marked competition over resources that cultural discontinuities may be relatedto the boundaries of ethnic groups. 3 As far as Crete is concerned, a striking case is offeredby the central area of the island during LM II - LM IIIA1 – a case upon which the focus rstcame to bear in my research on ethnicity, or better on pottery and ethnicity. 4 We have toleap forward to the close of LM IIIB and the beginning of LM IIIC to nd a marked degreeof interaction and competition once again, which justies starting our enquiry on religion,society and ethnicity in the LM IIIC period. 5 * My warmest thanks are due to Prof. G. Gesell, Prof. P.M. Warren, Dr. M. Delfreo, Dr. B. Eder, Dr. L. Tyreeand Dr. M.-L. Winbladh, for supplying information concerning sites and/or material of their competence.To Dr. Maria Andreadaki-Vlazaki, Director of the 25 th Ephorate at Chania, I am deeply grateful for allowingme to work on the LM IIIC gurines from Chamalevri. I should also like to thank Dr. V. Niniou-Kindeli whoshared the important results of her excavations at the sanctuary of Patsos during my visit of the site in June2000.Abbreviations other than those adopted by  Aegaeum include: Late Minoan III Pottery =  Late Minoan III Pottery. Chronology and Terminology. Acts of a Meeting held at the Danish Institute at Athens (August 12-14 1994) (Monographs of the Danish Institute at Athens 1, 1997). Minoans and Mycenaeans =  Minoans and Mycenaeans. Flavours of Their Time, Catalogue of the Exhibition, Athens, National Archaeological Museum, 12 July-27 November 1999 (1999). The Greek-Swedish Excavations II = The Greek-Swedish Excavations at the Agia Aikaterini Square, Kastelli, Khania1970-1987. The Late Minoan IIIC Settlement (Acta Instituti Atheniensis Regni Sueciae 4°/XLVII:II, 2000).1 See C. RENFREW, The Archaeology of Cult. The Sanctuary at Phylakopi (1985); ID., “Towards a CognitiveArchaeology,” in The Ancient Mind. Elements of Cognitive Archaeology (1994) 3-12; ID., “The Archaeology of Religion,” ibidem 47-54; J.C. WRIGHT, “The Spatial Conguration of Belief: The Archaeology of MycenaeanReligion,” in  Placing the Gods 37-78; ID., “The Archaeological Correlates of Religion: Case Studies in theAegean Bronze Age,” in  POLITEIA II, 341-348. See also P. BEGG,  Late Cypriote Figurines: A Study in Context  (1991); L. CARLESS HULIN, “The Diffusion of Religious Symbols within Complex Societies,” in The Meanings of Things. Material Culture and Symbolic Expression (1989) 90-96; A.L. D’AGATA, “Late MinoanCrete and Horns of Consecration: A Symbol in Action,” in  EIK  V   N    247-255; P. GARWOOD, D. JENNINGS,R. SKEATES, J. TOMS (eds), Sacred and Profane. Proceedings of a Conference on Archaeology, Ritual and  Religion (University Commettee for Archaeology Monograph no. 32, Oxford, 1991); J.M. WEBB,  Ritual Architecture, Iconography and Practice in the Late Cypriot Bronze Age (1999).2 Cf. WRIGHT, The Spatial Conguration (  supra n. 1) 63.3 I. HODDER, “Economic and Social Stress and Material Culture Patternings,”  AmerAnt 44 (1979) 446-454;ID., Symbols in Action (1982) 55-57.4 A.L. D’AGATA, “Hidden Wars: Minoans and Mycenaeans at Haghia Triada in the LM III Period. TheEvidence from Pottery,” in  POLEMOS I, 48-55.5 For cult activity in Crete during LM IIIC see R.V. NICHOLLS, “Greek Votive Statuettes and ReligiousContinuity ca 1200-700 B.C.,”  Auckland Classical Essays Presented to E.M. Blaiklock (1970) 1-38; G.C. GESELL, Town, Palace, and House Cult in Minoan Crete (1985) 41-56; RENFREW, The Archaeology of Cult (  supra n. 1)393-444; D’AGATA (  supra n. 1) 254-255; A.L. D’AGATA, Statuine minoiche e post-minoiche dai vecchi scavidi Haghia Triada (Creta) (  Monograe della Scuola Archeologica di Atene e delle Missioni Italiane in Oriente XI,1999)  passim .  346   Anna Lucia D’AGATA 2. Crete in the 12 th century BC After the collapse of the regional system mainly founded on autonomous polities thathad characterised the 13 th century, 6 what emerges in the 12 th century B.C. is a rather differentscenario. There are three factors that leave their particular mark on the new era. Firstly, there isthe breakdown of the traditional settlement pattern and a marked instability that includes boththe moving of people from low-lying to defendable sites and the establishment of new sites. 7  Secondly, radical changes in the ceramic repertoire 8 are accompanied by a high degree of cultural homogeneity to be recognised all over the island. 9 This means that a communicationow at the regional level must be hypothesised, in spite of the disintegration of the previouspolitical system. Finally, the presence of cultural elements deriving from non-local sources -some dating back to LM IIIB - must be signalled, consisting of kitchenware of a type unknownto the Late Minoan tradition, 10 hand-made burnished ware 11 and PSI-type gurines. 12 In otherwords, an extensive restructuring of the Cretan settlement pattern, which now shows markeddifferences between the individual areas, and also the adoption of foreign cultural elementsmay be inferred from the archaeological evidence for the 12 th century B.C. 6 The latter half of the 13 th century B.C. was a period of great upheavals for Crete, see e.g. A. KANTA, The Late Minoan III Period in Crete. A Survey of Sites, Pottery and Their Distribution (1980) 324-325: a pattern of “slow abandonments and destructions” of many individual sites, mainly in Central, Southern and EasternCrete, is one of the hallmarks of this phase, and the rise of what may be dened as a concern with religion –now happily dubbed ‘crisis cults’ by J. DRIESSEN, this volume – can also be considered a strong indicator of increased contact between the local communities and hostile groups. A different picture is perhaps offeredby the western part of Crete. In LM IIIB late, the town of Khania was rebuilt: here Cypriot and Italian potteryhas been found and the local Kydonian workshop proved to be still active, cf. E. HALLAGER, “Khania andCrete c. 1375-1200 B.C.,” Cretan Studies 1 (1988), 115-123; ID., “Architecture of the LM II/III settlement inKhania,” in Crète Mycénienne 181. In the same part of the island centres like Armenoi and Kalami – KANTA(  supra ) 213-214, 238; Y. TZEDAKIS, in  Minoan and Mycenaeans 56, 110-116, 174-177, 232-258 – were fullyalive, while sites as Voliones in the valley of Amari (M. POLOGIORGI, “ Dúo taféw thw UMIII periódou stoxvrió BoliQnew eparxíaw Amaríou ,”  AD 36 [1981] 82-105) point to contact with Khania. In conclusion, thepicture to be reconstructed for this region is of a fairly well populated, interacting area, possibly in contrastwith the evidence available for most of Crete.7 On this phenomenon see K. NOWICKI, “A Dark Age refuge centre near Pefki, East Crete,”  BSA 89 (1994)235-268; ID., “Economy of Refugees: Life in the Cretan Mountains at the Turn of the Bronze and Iron Ages,”in  From Minoan Farmers to Roman Traders. Sidelights on the Economy of Ancient Crete (1999) 145-171. A summaryof LM IIIC sites is to be found in A.L. D’AGATA,  Dening a pattern of continuity in Central Western Crete during the Dark Age: Ceramic evidence from Thronos/Kephala (ancient Sybrita) (1999) 181-218. An up-dated and overallview of the LM/LH IIIB-C period is now offered by S. DEGER-JALKOTZY, “Innerägäische Beziehungen undauswärtige Kontakte des mykenischen Griechenland in nachpalatialer Zeit” (forthcoming).8 The degree of novelty to be ascribed to the LM IIIC early ceramic repertoire obviously depends on whatis to be understood as typical of LM IIIB late, a still little known phase in the life of Crete and a matterof debate; see the discussions included in  LM III Pottery . Some elements of distinction between LM IIIBlate and IIIC early, based on material from stratied layers found at Khania, have been highlighted by B.P.HALLAGER in  Late Minoan III Pottery 106, 108-109 although, until more evidence is published, little canbe said. Nevertheless, in LM IIIC early one of the most signicant changes is represented by cups and“champagne cups” being largely replaced by deep bowls (cf. e.g. P.P. BETANCOURT, The History of Minoan Pottery [1985] 177-184) – a change that can be considered revolutionary in the Cretan repertoire where thecup had for centuries been the dominant shape.9 Sites such as Palaikastro/Kastri, Kavousi, Knossos, Thronos, Chamalevri and Khania show an extremely highdegree of ceramic homogeneity; see also the observations by P. WARREN, in  Late Minoan III Pottery 405.10 I.e. cooking jars with at bases (similar to FS 74) to be placed on stands: to the group of LM IIIC siteswhere cooking jars were found, listed in B.P. HALLAGER, “The Late Minoan IIIC Pottery,” in The Greek-Swedish Excavations II, 160, is to be added Thronos/Kephala, A.L. D’AGATA, “The Pottery,” in  Ricerche greco-italiane in Creta occidentale III. Thronos/Kephala (antica Sybrita): le fosse rituali in prossimità dell’insediamento sulla sommità (  IG , forthcoming).11 Handmade burnished ware has been found in LM IIIB late layers at Knossos, Tylissos, Ayia Pelagia andKhania, and in LM IIIC early layers at Knossos, Kastelli/Pediada, Khania (B.P. HALLAGER, “Crete and Italyin the Late Bronze Age III Period,”  AJA 89 (1985) 293-305; HALLAGER [  supra n. 10] 165-166), and Thronos,D’AGATA (  supra n. 10).12  Infra § 2.1.  THE CONTEXTUAL FRAMEWORK OF LM IIIC CULT ACTIVITIES 347 Considering the continuity of occupation in LM IIIB and early IIIC, the strong links withthe Greek mainland and the international prole, it is tempting to suggest that the Khania area played a specic role in the formation of the Cretan material culture of the early 12 th centuryBC, allowing for the inclusion of non-local inuences and the formation of certain peculiaritiesencapsulated in the contexts, which can be dened new, of early IIIC. 13 Such a role might alsohave had something to do with the ethnic composition of the population, possibly including a considerable foreign component arriving in the town during the 13 th century B.C. 2.1 LM IIIC early/late 14 We start our survey of cult activity as from LM IIIC early, when the island shows nocommon religious system, although this might also be a matter of archaeological visibility. It isnot my intention to discuss here the evidence for domestic cult contexts, but mention must bemade of some sites where PSI-type gurines were discovered which could be associated witha domestic level and also referred to LM IIIC early. In this respect an important predecessorfor connection with mainland Greece in terms of cult activity is found in an LM IIIB2 house atKhania, where two gurines were discovered on the oor still in situ , close to a xed circularhearth – an association which can be considered typically Mycenaean. 15 The LM IIIC sites which have yielded PSI-type gurines are Phaistos and Gortys inCentral Crete, and probably Chamalevri 16 in the westen part of the island. If nothing can besaid of the scant remains of the settlement on the Acropolis of Gortys, which were largelysuperseded by later structures, 17 Chamalevri was abandoned before LM IIIC late 18 whilePhaistos shows a peculiar pattern both as a settlement and in terms of cult evidence, 19 whichdoes not seem to include an urban cult building. 20 It might be worth stressing that during 13 As for pottery, on the mixing of Minoan and Mycenaean elements in LM IIIC early, see M. POPHAM, “SomeLate Minoan III Pottery from Crete,”  BSA 60 (1965) 334. More recently, the same author expressed theopinion that for major Cretan development in LM IIIC pottery the “present evidence, admittedly sparse,points elsewhere (  scl  : than to Knossos), perhaps to east and south of Crete, regions whose turn had thencome to make their contribution to the nal creative stage of Late Minoan pottery:” ID., “Late Minoan II tothe end of the Bronze Age,” in  Knossos. A Labyrinth of History. Papers in Honour of Sinclair Hood  (1994) 101. Onthe correlation between LM IIIC and LH IIIC the issues raised by P.A. MOUNTJOY, “Late Minoan IIIC/LateHelladic IIIC: Chronology and Terminology,” in  MELETEMATA II 514-516 – although the present writerdoes not agree with all the ideas expressed – help in some cases (see pp. 514-515) to clarify some usuallymisunderstood LM IIIC matters.14 In terms of pottery the distinction is fairly clear between an early and a late phase of LM IIIC on Crete,now shown by the stratigraphical evidence from Kavousi (M.S. MOOK, W.D. COULSON, “Late MinoanIIIC Pottery from the Kastro at Kavousi,” in  Late Minoan III Pottery 337-365), the sequence identied in theceramic material from the ritual pits at Thronos/Kephala, D’AGATA (  supra n. 7), D’AGATA (  supra n. 10),and the LM IIIC early material from Khania, HALLAGER (  supra n. 10). For main features of LM IIIC latepottery see D’AGATA (  supra n. 7) 197-201, and HALLAGER (  supra n. 10) 173 n. 340.15 HALLAGER,  Khania (  supra n. 6) 117; HALLAGER,  Architecture (  supra n.   6) 181. The two gurines belong tothe PHI-type: one is a Mycenaean import, the other locally made, cf. M.L. WINBLADH, in The Greek-Swedish    Excavations at the Agia Aikaterini Square, Kastelli, Khania 1970-1987  III (forthcoming).16 Phaistos: L. PERNIER, “Scavi della Missione Italiana a Phaestos 1900-1901. Rapporto preliminare,”  MonAnt 12 (1902) 121-122, g. 52. 1, 2, 4, 5; E. FRENCH, “The development of Mycenaean terracotta gurines,”  BSA 66 (1971) 136; Gortys: G. RIZZA, V.S.M. SCRINARI,  Il santuario sull’acropoli di Gortina (  Monograe dellaScuola Archeologica di Atene e delle Missioni Italiane in Oriente II, 1968) tav. VII. 27, 28, 33, and probably 24;Chamalevri: the head of a PSI-type (?) gurine comes from an LM IIIC early context; for bibliography on thesite see D’AGATA (  supra n. 7) 183 n. 7. As for Khania, the group of gurines published in M.L. WINBLADH,“The terracotta gurines and the stone vases,” in The Greek-Swedish Excavations II, 183-184, does not includeany certain example of PSI-type from a LM IIIC early level.17 RIZZA, SCRINARI (  supra n. 16).18 Supra n. 16.19 For discussion on the LM IIIC occupation and evidence for cult activity, D’AGATA (  supra n. 5) 236-237. Forrecent bibliography on the site see D’AGATA (  supra n. 7) 182 n. 7.20 It has to be stressed that the remains of “a Karphi-like statuette (‘goddess with upraised arms’ type)” has beenreported from the summit of the hill of Christos Effendi, in the Phaistos area: cf. L.V. WATROUS, The CaveSanctuary of Zeus at Psychro. A Study of Extra-Urban Sanctuaries in Minoan and Early Iron Age Crete (1996) 102.  348   Anna Lucia D’AGATA LM IIIC, at least apparently, in none of these sites was an urban cult building created with largeclay female gures, of the type of the so-called Goddess with Upraised Arms. 21 2.2 LM IIIC late It is in LM IIIC late that a common system of cult becomes evident on the island. Thealmost ubiquitous Cretan urban cult place is the bench sanctuary , associated with ritual setsof cult objects including large clay female gures with upraised arms, stands or snake tubes,plaques, and kalathoi. 22 Bench sanctuaries and clay gures with upraised arms are known fromthe LM III period, although the formation of a specic, recurrent cult assemblage seemsto be a LM IIIC phenomenon. This assemblage shows that at the elite level a coherentsystem of ritual architecture and cult symbols and behaviours had then been formed acrossthe island. Nevertheless, the cult evidence from sites such as Karphi, Kavousi/Vronda and Vasiliki/Kephala, all of them new IIIC foundations located in eastern Crete, displays signicantdifferences, also implying different organisation at the social, political and, possibly, ethniclevel.There are at least ve bench sanctuaries 23 in the excavated part of the settlement atKarphi, 24 among which three have yielded large clay female gures with upraised arms. Theyare Room 1 or the Temple; 25 Room 16-17 with its annex Room 70; 26 Room 116. 27 TheTemple and Room 16-17 are located on the fringes of the settlement, and can be entered fromcommunal areas. These complexes are of varying dimensions and the clay gures discoveredinside them hardly exceeded six items. The absence of a central authority at Karphi, evident in 21 On the cult of the “Goddess with Upraised Arms” S. ALEXIOU, “ H Minvik} Yeá mey ’ ucvménvn xeirQn ,” CretChron 12 (1958) 179-299; GESELL (  supra n. 5) 41-56; A. PEATFIELD, “After the ‘Big Bang’ - What?or Minoan Symbols and Shrines beyond Palatial Collapse,” in  Placing the Gods 19-36; H. WHITTAKER,  Mycenaean Cult Buildings. A Study of Their Architecture and Function in the Context of the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean (  Monographs from the Norwegian Institute at Athens 1, 1997) 42-61.22 GESELL (  supra n. 5) 45-56; G.C. GESELL, “The Goddess with Upraised Arms from Kavousi, Ierapetras,” in Pepragména tou Z  ’  Dieynouw Krhtologikoú Sunedríou  A1 (1995) 349-351.23 GESELL (  supra n. 5) 45-46, 79-82.24 H.W. PENDLEBURY, J.D.S. PENDLEBURY, M.B. MONEY-COUTTS, “Excavations in the Plain of Lasithi.III: A City of Refuge of the Early Iron Age in Crete,”  BSA 38 (1937-1938) 57-141, and plan at g. IX. Thetraditional date for the occupation of Karphi is LM IIIC advanced, cf. POPHAM, Some Late Minoan Pottery  (  supra n. 13) 334, however the existence of more phases in the development of the town has been oftenpointed out, see PENDLEBURY  et al. (  supra ) 135-137; K. NOWICKI, The History and Setting of the Town at Karphi (1987) 235-256. For the existence of an LM IIIC early phase see the remarks by HALLAGER (  supra n. 10) 173-174 n. 343.25 PENDLEBURY  et al. (  supra n. 24) 75-76, pls. XXXI, XXXV.1, XXXIV. 5; M. SEIRADAKI, “Pottery fromKarphi,”  BSA 55 (1960) 11-12, 14-15, 29; gs. 7. 4, 19; pls. 4b, 14; GESELL (  supra n. 5) 74, 79; WHITTAKER (  supra n. 21) 188-189. Pendlebury assigned the Temple to his second phase. In SEIRADAKI (  supra ) the vasesfrom the Temple have been assembled in pl. 4b: they include ve, badly shaped, pieces in ne “blue ware”and a group of kitchen pots. Judging from the high bases displayed by the ne vases, a date late in IIIC is tobe maintained for them and, similarly, for use of the cult building.26 PENDLEBURY  et al. (  supra n. 24) 78, 86; SEIRADAKI (  supra n. 25) 29, gs. 8. 4, 13, pl. 55c; GESELL (  supra n. 5) 79-81; WHITTAKER (  supra n. 21) 188. Room 70, where clay goddesses and snake tubes where found,represents a later addition: it also yielded the upper part of a jar with twisted handles.27 PENDLEBURY  et al. (  supra n. 24) 88-89; SEIRADAKI (  supra n. 25) 6, gs. 3-10; 26, g. 18. 3; GESELL (  supra n. 5) 82; WHITTAKER (  supra n. 21) 190. Rooms 89 and 79 are probably part of the same complex. In Room116, among many vases which were not illustrated, there were an amphoriskos decorated with wavy band,and a conical kylix with swollen stem: both the vases belong to types unusual in LM IIIC early contexts. InM. POPHAM, “The Late Minoan Goblet and Kylix,”  BSA 64 (1969) 304, the swollen stem is regarded as a result of ‘poor potting.’ A similar feature, i.e. a pronounced swelling, can be observed on the legs of LM/LHIIIC wheel-made animals where it is intended to show the knees, cf. M.A. GUGGISBERG,  FrühgriechischeTierkeramik. Zur Entwicklung und Bedeutung der Tiergefäße und der hohlen Tierguren in der späten Bronze- und  frühen Eisenzeit (c. 1600-700 v. Chr.) (1996), taf. 10. 1 (Amyklai), 28. 392 (Phylakopi), 34. 2 (Yalisos), 44. 3-5(Phaistos). Considering that a stem of kylix and a leg of wheel-made animal may have been shaped in a similarway, i.e. as long, narrow and pierced clay cylinder to which a disc base was added, I would conclude thatswellings on stems of LM IIIC late kylikes are intentional features.  THE CONTEXTUAL FRAMEWORK OF LM IIIC CULT ACTIVITIES 349 the settlement pattern, can also be deduced from the large numbers of sanctuaries in relationto the size of the exposed area of the settlement. 28 Each of them could be related to diversecompeting groups unable to monopolise the local resources, including ritual power. 29 Cult material from the Temple 30 is characterised by symbols which frequently occur inearlier cult contexts of Minoan Crete (birds, disks, horns of consecration, the conical cap).They t in well with the attributes displayed on the ritual objects from the LM IIIB benchsanctuary of Gournia, 31 implying local derivation and a notable continuity in cult iconographyat the regional level.The attributes of the ritual sets including large clay gures found in the other benchsanctuaries at Karphi are not known, while they could prove useful to assess the presence orabsence of oppositions of any nature between the single cult buildings, evidenced by the useof specic symbols.Different evidence is found in the settlement of Kavousi/Vronda. 32 Building G is the onlycult building discovered in the habitation area, and the excavators regarded its large size andaxial arrangement as unusual. 33 Here again the cult building was erected on the edge of thesettlement to facilitate access. A large amount of cult material has been discovered in the area of the shrine (more than thirty goddesses, twenty-seven plaques and seventeen snake tubes)and ritual sets – including one statue, one snake tube, and one plaque – identied. On theevidence of the handles on the goddesses, serving to carry them, we may well imagine theprocessions during which such ritual objects were borne in parade. 34 In consideration of thelarge number of cult items, each ritual set could have been a dedication from one social orfamily group in the community, or from a group of sites in the cluster, considering the peculiarsettlement pattern reconstructed for this region. 35 This also means that the Vronda buildingcould include facilities for a more extensive area than the settlement itself.Even though ritual sets were dedicated by diverse groups, the existence of a single cultbuilding, situated in a special location close to the most important private building in thesettlement – namely building A/B 36 – suggests that a central authority was in force at Vronda,whose connections with the Minoan past are borne out by the Minoan attributes on cultobjects and gures, such as the birds on the tiara of one clay female gure, and the horns of consecration on the rim of a plaque and a kalathos. 37 28 Cf. GESELL (  supra n. 5) 79-82, for a review of areas where cult material has been found. The settlementpattern analysis made by NOWICKI,  Economy (  supra n. 7) and the existence of many large houses of megarontype conrm the absence of a central authority on the site.29 A similar case is to be found in Late Cypriot IIC/IIIA Enkomi, WEBB (  supra n. 1) 292-294.30 PENDLEBURY  et al. (  supra n. 24) 75-76, pls. XXXI, XXXV. 1; SEIRADAKI (  supra n. 25) 29, pl. 14; GESELL(  supra n. 5) 79.31 GESELL (  supra n. 5) 72, g. 119.32 G. GESELL, W.D.E. COULSON, L. PRESTON DAY, “Kavousi 1982-1983: The Settlement at Vronda,”  Hesperia 55 (1986) 355-388; IID., “Excavations at Kavousi, Crete 1987,”  Hesperia 57 (1987) 279-301; IID.,“Excavations at Kavousi, Crete 1987,”  Hesperia 60 (1991) 145-178; IID., “Excavations at Kavousi, Crete1989 and 1990,”  Hesperia 64 (1995) 67-120; G.C. GESELL, “The Late Minoan IIIC Period at Kavousi,”in Pepragména tou ST  ’  Dieynouw Krhtologikoú Sunedríou    A1 (1990) 316-332; GESELL   (  supra n. 22); L.PRESTON DAY, “The Late Minoan IIIC period at Vronda, Kavousi,” in Crète mycénienne 391-406; G.C.GESELL, “Ritual Kalathoi in the Shrine at Kavousi,” in  MELETEMATA I, 283-287, and G. GESELL, thisvolume. See also WHITTAKER (  supra n. 21) 191.33 PRESTON DAY (  supra n. 32) 401-402, and plan of the site at g. 2.34  Minoan Religion 228.35 D.C. HAGGIS, “Intensive survey, traditional settlement patterns and Dark Age Crete: The case of Early IronAge Kavousi,”  JMA 6/2 (1993) 131-174.36 PRESTON-DAY (  supra n. 32) 393-394; L. PRESTON-DAY, “A Late Minoan IIIC Window Frame from Vronda,Kavousi,” in  MELETEMATA I, 185-190.37 The bench sanctuary discovered at Khalasmenos in spring 2000 seems to include many features similar to the Vronda example, as reported by M. TSIPOPOULOU, e-mail posted to  AegeaNet , 27 June 2000. On the site,W. COULSON, M. TSIPOPOULOU, “Preliminary Investigations at Chalasmenos, Crete, 1992-93,”  Aegean Archaeology 1 (1994) 65-86.
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